By: J. Pennelope Goforth
One of the
first salmon canneries to open in Alaska incited a riot before the ship had
even offloaded a single tin can. The incident, involving locals and imported
labor, was the first of many such conflicts in Alaska over the rights to the
seemingly endless resource of salmon. The fracas epitomizes the classic Pacific
Coast fisheries struggle of indigenous subsistence users and capitalized ‘outside
interests’ boosted by technology.
Alaska
historian Patricia Roppel references this incident in a recent piece titled Southeast History: Sitka's first salmon
cannery - 1878[i]
as does Steve Henrikson in an earlier blog article, History in a Can.[ii]
The original story is related by William Governeur Morris, Special Agent of the
U.S. Treasury Department in his report on ‘the condition of the public service,
resources, &c. of Alaska Territory.’[iii]
The
narrative reads like a cautionary tale and indeed serves the underlying thesis
of Morris’ report which was the lawlessness then rampant a decade after the
cession in the absence of any civil authority, prevalent drunkenness, and the
resulting violence. “The following narrative is given to show how completely
the Indians are masters of the situation, and that when aroused by anger or any
other disturbing element which renders them intractable, how ungovernable they
become.”[iv]
Yet the theme that plays out here remains a staple to this day in Alaska
cannery operations: local labor interests versus Outside business development.
The success
of canneries in Alaska begins in Sacramento with the great gold rush of 1849 in
California. The brothers William, George, and John
Hume, had a successful salmon fishing and salting operation on the Sacramento
River feeding San Francisco gold miners in the 1850s. By 1864 they eagerly
adopted the new technique of cooking salmon in tin cans. With expertise from
tinsmith friend Andrew Hapgood who joined their company, the brothers
established a busy cannery operation. However, they and other fish processing
outfits in the area, were so successful that the salmon runs were depleting.
Seeking
new sources the pioneering salmon
canners, moved up the coast to the lower Columbia River in Oregon Territory
several miles northeast of the busy port of Astoria. Along the northern bank they
found flocks of plump eagles and wisely set up a new cannery operation there in
1866, later known as Eagle Cliff Cannery. It was the first of many successful
canneries on the Columbia. From here they shipped
their product to the East Coast and as far away as Australia.
Word
coming down from the newly acquired territory of Alaska soon attracted their
attention with stories of runs of 45 lb king salmon.[v] An Affairs in Alaska
column in the Port Townsend Weekly Argus,
entitled Bright Prospects asserts the
activities of an unnamed company ‘with a capital of $100,000 mean business.’ The
writer goes on to report that the schooner CALIFORNIA landed 120 tons of
freight including ‘machinery for a steam sawmill and large canning
establishment; also 50 tons of tin.’ Interesting is what he doesn’t mention: a
crowd of Tlingits protesting the landing of some 18 Chinese workers. ‘Within
the coming three months the CALIFORNIA will land at Clawock [sic] 200 tons of freight and all the men
necessary to run the cannery business.’
Back at Klawock
Near the
port of Sitka in Southeast Alaska, the local Tlingit Indians had a traditional
‘fish camp’ on a small spit of land off Prince of Wales Island. Here they came for the prolific salmon that
formed their staple food for generations. Just across the water from the
village on Fish Egg Island an enterprising American, George Hamilton, lured by
the good press generated in the heady years of the late 1860s, set up a trading
post called Hamilton’s Fishery. He caught, bought, salted and sold barrels of
salmon.[vi]
Roppel shows
us that Hamilton hired Haida and Klawock Natives to work the saltery along with
other white men. The business trails of white entrepreneurs in the territory,
especially in the relatively small group operating in Southeast Alaska,
frequently crossed. Hamilton struck up an acquaintance with Charles Waldron who had a trading post at Tongass village near
Ketchikan just south of him on Revillagagedo Island. In the early 1870s Waldron
is involved in Hamilton’s now bustling trade. In 1873 Hamilton loads a sizeable
cargo of ‘800 barrels of salt salmon, a hundred barrels of fish oil, and a few
bundles of furs and skins’ with Waldron aboard the ill-fated GEORGE S. WRIGHT.[vii]
Hamilton manages to survive the resulting crisis from the
loss of his business associate and his entire season output. But he sold his
outfit a few years later to a surprising new business concern in San Francisco:
Sisson, Wallace and Company.[viii] They created yet
another firm, the North Pacific Trading and Packing Company, to turn the old
saltery into a state of the art cannery, complete with a sawmill and tinworks.
Previously this firm provided personnel services for
construction projects including canals and railroads. Namely, Chinese laborers.[ix] Presumably they branched
out into the fisheries, also purchasing vessels to be sent north to Alaska to
serve as canneries, complete with staffing. Such as the former Pacific Mail
Line steamer JOHN L STEPHENS that was dispatched to Karluk to serve as a
floating cannery.[x]
The
CALIFORNIA however, was a humble merchant cargo carrier in the coastwise trade,
out of Portland, Oregon Territory making the Victoria, British Columbia and
Southeast Alaska ports run. She is most famous for having carried the somewhat
disgraced Army Companies G & M, 4th Artillery, Capt. A. Morris,
commanding, out of Alaskan waters the previous year when the Army was ordered
out of the territory.[xi]
Schooner rigged at 168 feet, she delivered mail and was owned by P.B. Cornwall.[xii]
It is on the deck of the CALIFORNIA, that the crisis over labor erupts while
the ship is en route to Klawock with the equipment destined for the new North
Pacific Trading and Packing Company facility. In another twist of fate, the
entire NPTP effort was lead by a man named Hunter who previously ran one of the
Eagle Cliff Canneries.
Rumble at
Sitka Dock
Special
Agent Morris, who narrates the episode in his report, was in Sitka as part of a
tour of duty of Alaska. Sent by the U.S. Department of the Treasury, which was
essentially governing the territory at the time ‘in regard to the condition of
the public services, resources, &c., of the Alaska Territory.’[xiii]
Morris accidentally stumbled into the event when he accepted an offer from the
CALIFORNIA’s Captain Charles Thorne to hop aboard for a trip to Klawock since
the official government transport, the U.S. Revenue Cutter Service WOLCOTT was in
Wrangell at the time. He brings with him a Mr. J.W. Keen who can act as an
interpreter since he spoke the Tlingit language as well as the common Pacific
Northwest trade patois known as Chinook (Chinuk) Jargon. Once aboard, he
discovers the vessel is loaded with supplies for the new cannery including
‘eighteen Chinamen, who were hired exclusively to manufacture the tin cans.’[xiv]
The
presence of the Chinese laborers must have inflamed not only the Native
inhabitants who were gathered on the wharf and beaches that blustery cold day of
March 16th to observe the spectacle of the ship arrival but also the disgruntled
white men of Sitka who were unemployed. In fact, Morris’ description of
‘heathen Chinee’ is more of a white epithet than a Tlingit, Haida or Tsimshian
adjective.
Morris also
mentions the presence of a local man called Sitka Jack who could speak
Chinook. He doesn’t tell why, but apparently
the chief, known as Annah Hoots, declared to the assembled people that the
Chinamen should not be allowed to land. Morse and Hunter attempted to defuse
the antipathy toward the Chinese by explaining that they were there only to
make tin cans at the new cannery at Klawock and didn’t represent any threat to
the local unemployed. Things were not going well. More people from the
surrounding Native encampments began arriving in an agitated state and a
frightened Hunter had second thoughts, ‘…[Hunter] decided not to attempt to
establish his fishery, and at once abandoned the enterprise, stating he had
positive instructions from his employers not to land a pound of material unless
everything was quiet, and there was no prospective danger.”[xv]
And, further, Hunter tells Morris that the owners believed the new cannery
would have recourse to the protective services of a nearby revenue cutter
stationed at Sitka.
This was a
relevant concern as the local tribes were accustomed to asserting their rights
and while they might back down in the face of guns, they felt they had a
legitimate reason to protest any further incursions on their territory and
resultant loss of resources. The shelling of the village of Kake by the USS
SAGINAW in 1869 and other armed retributions by individuals and the government
still stung.
At the
height of the ruckus, Morris relates the scene of the negotiations:
“Mr. Hunter,
Keen and myself mounted to the hurricane deck [of the CALIFORNIA]; Annah Hoots and Sitka Jack right under us on
the dock, and the whole tribe scattered about howling and yelling like Satan.
Under this state of affairs the wa-wa [talks] began.
“I
relied very much on the good sense of Jack, who was very anxious to have the
cannery there, and in truth, so were all the Indians; but the point of
controversy was, that the Chinamen had been imported to catch the fish, and
that the Indians were half-naked and hungry, deserved the employment by right,
and they would fight before they would permit any such infringement upon their
reserved rights. It was their country and John Chinaman should not come. A very
strong argument, it must be admitted.
“Mr
Hunter very frankly explained to the Indians such was not the case; it was
entirely foreign to his own views as well as those who employed him/ that is
was his intention to buy all his fish from the Indians; that the Chinamen were
brought along to make tin cans, and when they had finished the cans they should
be sent away. Furthermore, if the Indians would learn to make cans, no more Chinamen
should be employed.
“Mr.
Keen very adroitly impress upon those present the folly of their course, and I
am satisfied it was owing a great deal to the tact and judgment displayed by
him that we succeeded as well as we did. I had but little to say, only to
remind them the ‘man-of-war’ was not far off, lying at anchor at Wrangel, and
if they wanted a gunnery practice, they should be speedily entertained.”[xvi]
As the
Tlingit discussed the words of explanation and veiled threats amongst
themselves the tumult appeared to pass. Morris continues:
“In a very
short time as many Indians as could be set profitably to work were hired by Mr.
Hunter to discharge his material, the Chinamen landed in perfect security,
walked up town, hired a cabin from one of the tribe, purchased wood and by
night-fall were snugly domiciled, with half a dozen dusky klootchmen (squaws)
squatted on the floor and enjoying their fish and rice. Thus ended what might
have proved a very serious affair.”[xvii]
In
retrospect, it was actually the beginning of the mega-billion salmon cannery
industry in Alaska which nearly wiped out the salmon runs and certainly
challenged the rights of the First Alaskans.
[i] Roppel, Patricia. Capital City
Weekly, Southeast History: Sitka’s first
salmon cannery - 1878. Juneau, Alaska Wednesday, March 13,
2013.
http://www.capitalcityweekly.com/stories/031313/out_1110524989.shtml last accessed 071314.
http://alaskancanneries.blogspot.com/ last accessed 071314.
[ii] Henrikson, Steve. History in a Can. alaskancanneries.blogspot.com.
June 1, 2014.
[iii] Morris, William G. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C. Senate. Ex. Doc. No. 59. 1879. Page 129.
[iv] Op. cit.
[v] Port Townsend Weekly Argus. Port
Townsend, WA. Affairs in Alaska: Bright
Prospects. March 22, 1878.
[vi] Roppel.
[vii] Ibid.
[viii] Ibid.
[ix]
Ramirez, Salvador A. The Inside Man: The
Life and Times of Mark Hopkins. Tentacled Press. Carlsbad, CA. 2007. Clark
Crocker, principal in Sisson, Wallace and Co. was the agent for Chinese
laborers, whom he imported for $80 (payable by the worker) who then worked for
$1 a day from which his food and lodging were deducted. Page 580.
[x] http://www.geocities.com/mppraetorius/com-jo.htm
last accessed 071314. The wooden side-wheel steamer, brigantine rigged, cold
hold 350-400 people at 275 feet overall with a 41 foot beam. She had three
decks and sported a steam condenser for fresh water. All these attributes made
her a good floating cannery.
[xi] Pierce,
Richard A. Alaskan Shipping, 1867-1878
Arrivals and Departures at the Port of Sitka. Limestone Press. Kingston,
ONT. 1972. Page 49.
[xii]
Wright, E.W., ed. Lewis & Dryden’s
Maritime History of the Pacific Northwest. Superior Publishing. Seattle,
Wa. 1967. Page 159.
[xiii] Op. cit.
Report, Cover Letter, by John Sherman, Secretary of the Treasury.
[xiv] Op. cit. page 129.
[xv] Op. cit. page 129.
[xvi] Op. cit.. page 130.
[xvii] Op. cit. page 130.
Mr. Keen very adroitly impress upon those present the folly of their course, and I am satisfied it was owing a great deal to the tact and judgment displayed by him that we succeeded as well as we did. Chuyen phat nhanh DHL
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